"The DNA non-redemption," is the title of a Los Angeles Times editorial. It appeared in the Saturday edition.
In 1990, a Texas jury convicted Claude Jones, a career criminal, of murdering Allen Hilzendager.
Jones and another ex-convict, Danny Dixon, had stopped their truck at Hilzendager's liquor store in Point Blank, Texas. One of the men got out, entered the store and shot Hilzendager. Jones blamed Dixon and Dixon blamed Jones, but Jones was eventually convicted of pulling the trigger on the basis of one person's testimony (subsequently recanted) and on one piece of physical evidence: a strand of hair found inside the store and identified as Jones' by a crime lab expert. That hair tipped the balance between life and death, because Texas law requires corroborating physical evidence in a capital case. Dixon is serving a life sentence; Jones was put to death in 2000.
This month, however, a DNA test determined that the hair did not belong to Jones after all; it belonged to the victim. With no physical evidence, there is now no legal basis for Jones' death sentence.
Some may argue that this miscarriage of justice was an aberration. But Texas' rapid pace of executions, coupled with its abysmal standards for effective representation for defendants, have long made the likelihood of wrongful executions exceedingly high. The state offers a prime example of why the death penalty, which requires 100% accuracy, is so difficult to mete out fairly.
Innocence Project Co-Founder Barry Scheck wrote the OpEd, "Capital Punishment and Human Fallibility," for the weekend edition of the Wall Street Journal.
On Friday, Dec. 7, 2000, as the world waited for a decision from the Florida Supreme Court on whether the recount of that state's presidential ballot should continue, Texas Governor and soon-to-be President George W. Bush was provided with a final memo from his Counsel's Office on the fate of death-row inmate Claude Jones.
He was advised to reject Jones's application for a 30-day reprieve because there was "no doubt about guilt." Jones had received "full and fair process" in the courts, and "Jones' hair matched a hair found at the crime scene."
Incredibly, Mr. Bush was not told that lawyers for Jones had requested the 30-day reprieve so that a mitochondrial DNA test could be performed on this hair, the key piece of evidence in the case and the only piece of physical evidence tying him to the crime scene. Jones was executed by lethal injection that day.
Earlier this month, after six years of litigation, that hair was finally tested. On Nov. 11, Mitotyping Technologies, a private lab in State College, Pa., found that it did not come from Claude Jones, but from the victim of the crime. If this DNA test had been done in December 2000, Claude Jones would not have been executed, and his conviction would likely have been reversed.
The case might have been dismissed altogether because the hair "match" was the key evidence cited in a 3-to-2 decision of the Texas Court of Criminal Appeals to meet a requirement of Texas law that the accomplice testimony used to convict Jones be corroborated.
And:
There is growing bipartisan recognition that there are a set of reforms that can make the criminal-justice bureaucracy more accurate, accountable and cost-effective. We can learn from our mistakes, including those made in the hours before Claude Jones's execution. Sen. Jim Webb (D., Va.), along with 39 co-sponsors including Sens. Lindsey Graham (R., S.C.) and Orrin Hatch (R., Utah), is sponsoring a bill already approved by the House to establish a National Criminal Justice Reform Commission.
The Webb bill would lay out a blueprint of best practices that have proven effective, including ways to reduce prison populations without endangering public safety and investigative procedures that protect the innocent while enhancing the capability of law enforcement to apprehend the guilty. And it would also help prevent wrongful convictions, including in death-penalty cases, by evaluating past procedures and recommending improvements and guidelines. But if the bill is not passed in this brief lame-duck session, it will almost certainly perish, another casualty of partisan gridlock.
Earlier coverage of the Claude Jones case begins with the post, "Why the Claude Jones Case Matters."
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