Today's New York Times reports, "Texas Death Row Case Resonates to a Treaty." It's by Brian Knowlton. For those new to the issue, it's a must-read recap with new details, as well.
The death penalty case against Humberto Leal García Jr. did not seem like the sort to draw attention from a high-profile list of former U.S. diplomats, prosecutors, politicians and military men: He was convicted in Texas of raping, kidnapping and murdering a 16-year-old girl, Adria Sauceda, bludgeoning her with a heavy chunk of asphalt.
But Mr. Leal, a Mexican citizen, was not immediately informed of his right, under an international treaty signed by the United States, to seek assistance “without delay” from Mexican consular officials in navigating a confusing foreign legal system.
Such help might have been crucial for someone like Mr. Leal who, his lawyers say, had few resources and a limited understanding of his plight.
“This was an eminently defendable case, and I don’t think it would have been a capital case if he’d had decent trial counsel” from the start, said Sandra L. Babcock, a Northwestern University law professor representing Mr. Leal on behalf of the Mexican government.
With Mr. Leal’s execution approaching on July 7 in Texas, where 14 other Mexicans are also on death row, calls have mounted for Governor Rick Perry to grant a stay.
The former officials and military men urging a delay say that only by zealously enforcing terms of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations at home, with its guarantee of quick consular notification, can the United States expect similar treatment for Americans arrested abroad.
More than 6,600 Americans were arrested abroad in the year that ended on Sept. 30, by State Department count; nearly half were incarcerated. They include exchange students accused of buying drugs, diplomats caught up in protest marches and tourists who stray across borders.
“Consider a traffic accident in a foreign country,” said Mark Warren, an Ottawa-based legal researcher who specializes in consular rights issues. “In a lot of countries you get arrested, you are held, you are interrogated, you may be held incommunicado for weeks. It’s not speculative — this happens a lot — and if you don’t have access to your consulate, you have no friends, you are completely isolated.”
Observing the treaty is not “a favor to foreigners” but a “plainly compelling” national interest in protecting Americans abroad, said John B. Bellinger III, who was the top State Department lawyer under President George W. Bush and who joined other former diplomats in a plea to Mr. Perry, the Texas governor. Mr. Perry is awaiting a recommendation from the State Board of Pardons, his office said, though Texas has rarely granted clemency.
Senator Patrick Leahy, chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, introduced legislation this week to address cases like Mr. Leal’s. The bill, which has the backing of the Obama administration, would provide for review by a federal court when a prisoner facing a death sentence claims his consular rights were violated, and calls for a stay of execution, if necessary, to allow such a review.
But it does not extend to noncapital cases, and no comparable bill has been introduced in the House of Representatives.
“This doesn’t go as far as we’d like,” said a Senate aide who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the final legislative language had not yet been released, “but given the urgency of the cases involving the death penalty, we felt we had to act now and this had the best chance of securing bipartisan support.”
Though the Senate ratified the Vienna Convention in 1969, its consular notification requirement was often overlooked. Mexico, citing the cases of 51 foreign citizens then on death rows in the United States, complained to the International Court of Justice in 2004. That court found that the United States was bound by the treaty, and Mr. Bush asked the states to apply it.
And:
Early assistance in murder cases also matters, said Noah Feldman, a Harvard law professor: Prosecutors know that seeking the death penalty is a long, difficult, expensive process, and they carefully weigh their chances. Knowing that the accused will be well represented could tip the balance away from seeking death, he said.
With that sort of idea in mind, Mexico in 1999 created an ambitious legal assistance program to aid its citizens in capital cases. The program’s director, Gregory Kuykendall, now heads a team of 32 lawyers; in the year ending in May, Mexico spent $3.5 million on the program, according to the Sunlight Foundation, which focuses on government accountability.
Richard Dieter, executive director of the private Death Penalty Information Center, said Mexico’s active legal support had probably contributed to a decline in death penalty cases in Texas. “I think part of it is just better representation,” he said. “Mexico gives advice to other countries about how to do this.”
The State Department has held hundreds of training sessions across the country to familiarize federal, state and local law-enforcement officials with the Vienna treaty and has issued a 144-page booklet outlining the requirements, with translations in 20 languages, including Creole and Cambodian. Still, compliance is patchy. By Mr. Warren’s calculation, 80 of the 133 foreigners currently on death row in the United States say they did not receive a Vienna notification.
“That’s a failure rate of over 60 percent,” he said, “and it’s in the most serious possible cases. We’re not talking about traffic violations.”
One American who benefited while abroad from the Vienna treaty is Euna Lee, a reporter who, with a colleague, Laura Ling, was arrested in North Korea in 2009 after crossing the border from China.
Wade Goodwyn reports, "Planned Execution Puts Mexico, Texas At Odds," at NPR. You can listen to his report at the link.
On the night of May 21, 1994, 16-year-old Adria Sauceda attended a party on the south side of San Antonio. Witnesses testified that the teenager ingested so much alcohol, cocaine and marijuana she became extremely intoxicated. A group of eight or nine young men took her into the backyard and took turns sexually assaulting her. Anyone who tried to intervene was told to back off.
Sandra Babcock, Leal's lawyer and a professor at Northwestern University Law School, says when Leal arrived at the party and learned what happened to Sauceda he "became very upset and said that he was going to take her home."
Leal says that on the ride home, Sauceda tried to get out of the car. Leal pulled over, she got out, he tried to get her back in, they argued, he pushed her and she hit her head. But Leal maintains he didn't kidnap her and he didn't rape her. And that's the crux of his defense because without those additional crimes, Leal would not have faced a capital murder charge and a death penalty conviction.
"So although there was evidence that he was with her before she died — and that he may have had some involvement in her death — the evidence that shows that he committed a sexual assault is reed thin, and the evidence that shows that he kidnapped her is even weaker," Babcock says.
Babcock accuses the public defenders assigned to defend Leal of putting on a lazy defense. And that particularly galls the government of Mexico. All parties agree that Leal, a Mexican national in Texas legally, should have been told he had a right to notify his consulate in San Antonio. The Mexican government says had it known, it would have paid for Leal to have top-flight legal representation, investigators and experts to assist his defense.
"Mexico has a long-standing tradition — internationally recognized tradition — about assisting their nationals," says Victor Uribe, head of the legal section at the Mexican Embassy in Washington, D.C. "Of course, due to the opposition of Mexico to the death penalty, capital cases are a priority for Mexico."
And:
"It's not a favor that we do for foreigners who travel in the United States. The United States is a party to this treaty because it protects Americans when we travel abroad," says John Bellinger, a partner at Arnold & Porter in Washington. Bellinger is the former legal adviser at the State Department who handled these cases for the Bush administration.
To the surprise of both conservatives and liberals, President Bush was persuaded by this State Department's argument and ordered states to review their foreign national cases. But Texas Gov. Rick Perry said no, and to the Bush administration's chagrin, the Republican governor challenged his predecessor in federal court — and won.
"Texas has been particularly resistant to complying. I think Texas and the governor have tended to think this is a question of bowing to pressure from Washington or protecting the sovereignty of Texas from international tribunals in The Hague," Bellinger says.
Although Perry, the state attorney general's office and the Texas Board of Pardons and Paroles all declined to speak to NPR, Perry's staff in the past has said, "The world court has no standing in Texas and Texas is not bound by a ruling or edict from a foreign court. It's very important to remember that these individuals are on death row for killing our citizens."
Texas has already executed two Mexican nationals who weren't informed of their rights. Now Leal is on deck to be put to death the first week of July. Having witnessed the powerlessness of the International Court and the president of the United States to stop these executions, Uribe at the Mexican Embassy says they've appealed to the real power in all this: Perry.
"Congressional Action May Come Too Late to Stop Texas Execution," is by Peter Malof for Texas News.Service.
Legislation introduced this week in the U.S. Senate gives hope to some foreigners on death row in U.S. prisons - but it may come too late for Humberto Leal Garcia, a Mexican scheduled for execution next month in Texas.
The Consular Notification Compliance Act would ensure that courts follow an international law that says people arrested on foreign soil are entitled to assistance from their home countries. Leal's lawyers are filing motions today in federal court, hoping to delay his execution so that he may benefit from the legislation if and when it becomes law.
Christopher Durocher, government-affairs counsel at The Constitution Project, supports the measure, adding that consular access is critical if justice is to prevail for foreign nationals.
"When you're brought into a foreign criminal-justice system, your lack of understanding about how that system works - to navigate that system effectively - can really have a negative impact on your ability to defend yourself."
Durocher says he's fearful that if the United States doesn't uphold its treaty obligations, other countries will view consular access for Americans as optional. More than 6,600 U.S. citizens were arrested abroad last year.
Leal is a perfect example of someone whose conviction deserves review, Durocher says, because his lack of consular access clearly impacted his ability to receive a fair trial. His execution, Durocher adds, would not come as welcome news to the 172 other signatories of the Vienna Convention on Consular Relations.
Jordan Smith writes, "Will Legislation Save Humberto Leal?" for the Austin Chronicle.
Vermont Democratic U.S. Sen. Patrick Leahy on June 14 filed a bill that would ensure U.S. compliance with the 1963 Vienna Convention on Consular Relations, which in part guarantees foreign nationals abroad access to consular officials. Advocates representing Texas death row inmate Humberto Leal hope the legislation will save their client's life.
At issue is whether foreign nationals who get in trouble with the law in the U.S. are afforded the opportunity to communicate with home-country officials. Leal is one of the more than four dozen Mexican nationals on death row in the U.S. whose cases were brought to the UN's International Court of Justice in 2004. In that case, Mexico complained that in each instance the accused was not given the opportunity to communicate with Mexican consular officials. The ICJ ultimately ruled in Mexico's favor and said that the cases should be reviewed. Then-President George W. Bush penned a memo asking the U.S. courts to give effect to the ICJ ruling, but the U.S. Supreme Court ultimately ruled that state courts were not required to do so absent an act of Congress. After several years, that legislation was finally filed this week. "Compliance with our consular notification obligations is not a question of partisan interest," Leahy said in a press release. "Given the long history of bipartisan support for the [Vienna Convention], there should be unanimous support for this legislation to uphold our treaty obligations. A failure to act places Americans at risk."
That is, of course, one of the issues here: If the U.S. continues to ignore the consular notification provisions as it pertains to foreign nationals in the States, that makes it more likely that the rights of U.S. citizens abroad will also be ignored. Since the ICJ decision in 2004, Texas has executed three foreign nationals; unless the state acts to halt Leal's execution, he will become the fourth – and the first since Congress has made a move to require compliance with the Convention, and the ICJ ruling.
Earlier coverage of Humberto Leal's case begins at the link.
The clemency petition, case background, and other information is at Humberto Leal.
Readers who wish to sign a petition urging clemency can do so at the link, or using the right-column Take Action box.